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By Eric Cazdyn, Imre Szeman

In vigorous and unflinching prose, Eric Cazdyn and Imre Szeman argue that modern thought of the area is disabled through a deadly flaw: the shortcoming to imagine "an after" to globalization. After setting up seven theses (on schooling, morality, background, destiny, capitalism, kingdom, and customary experience) that problem the fake provides that maintain this time-limit, After Globalization examines 4 well known thinkers (Thomas Friedman, Richard Florida, Paul Krugman and Naomi Klein) and the way their paintings is dulled by way of those supplies. Cazdyn and Szeman then converse to scholars from worldwide who're either unconvinced and tired of those offers and who comprehend the area very another way than how it is popularly represented.

After Globalization argues actual skill to imagine an after to globalization is the very starting of politics today.

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This operates especially effectively in the deliberate confusion produced by the term – for instance, its seamless combination of empirical elements with ideological ones. Globalization is technological progress. Well, surely computer technologies will only get smaller, faster, and play an ever more ubiquitous role in daily life! Globalization points to production at dispersed sites around the world. Well, of course: could it ever make sense to create something in a single national space again?

But in any case, this is neither description nor philosophy, but a call to arms for a political project, one whose aim is to bring about the conditions of the “end of history” announced here. The name for this project was, of course, globalization. ” And it has. 21 But the admission that history has come back – not that it was there all along, hidden or obscured, but gone (for the two decades of globalization) and then returned (the present moment) – does not bring with it an admission that anything of great significance has changed with respect to the momentum or movement of history.

Common sense is related to hegemony: it points to the same deep social assumptions that structure privilege and generate disadvantage. While evoking hegemony, we see it as doing a different kind of work. ” Moving from the depths of hegemony to its surface, common sense appears as a figure when the operations of hegemony are most in doubt, at their shakiest, anxious about their capacity to enact their marvelous capacity to reproduce the present into the future with that fragment of difference needed to offset the fatal rigidity of social stasis.

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